A Nigerian senator, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, is at the centre of a political row after her suspension from the Senate, which she is now challenging in court. The disciplinary action stemmed not from her claims of sexual harassment against Senate President Godswill Akpabio, but from breaches including speaking without recognition, refusing her assigned seat, and missing an internal hearing. Akpabio had initially allowed her first petition despite its procedural weaknesses, a decision later overshadowed by her escalating defiance.
This isn’t her first brush with controversy. She previously accused Reno Omokri of harassment, a claim she withdrew after evidence showed he was abroad at the time. Omokri said a settlement followed. In her current dispute, support from fellow senators—women and Kogi State representatives alike—has been absent. Nigeria’s First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, a former senator, told Channels TV the Senate’s process is “mature” and merits respect.
Akpoti-Uduaghan’s tactics draw parallels with Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky, who often seeks external backing amid domestic criticism. Her case, however, tests Nigeria’s constitutional framework. Section 60 of the Nigerian Constitution grants the Senate power “to regulate its own procedure, including the procedure for summoning and recess of the House,” a right upheld globally, as in the U.S. Senate.
Her legal challenge questions that authority. Nigeria’s Supreme Court ruled in Abia State Attorney-General v. Attorney-General of the Federation (2002) that no government arm should unduly interfere with another’s constitutional duties. While the National Assembly cannot revisit court decisions, it can address issues internally through committees like Ethics or Legislative Compliance.
The judiciary’s own history adds context. The National Judicial Council (NJC) has disciplined over 50 officers—via suspension, retirement, or dismissal—though some cases were later overturned. Justice Ayo Salami, suspended in 2011 as Court of Appeal President, saw his case spark debate when the NJC reversed its stance in 2012, recommending reinstatement, though the government delayed action. Another example is Justice Gladys Olotu, suspended in 2011 over misconduct allegations tied to a land dispute ruling. In 2014, a court nullified her removal as procedurally flawed, and she was reinstated, highlighting judicial oversight limits. The NJC’s record shows both enforcement and reversals, fuelling calls for legislative scrutiny.
Akpoti-Uduaghan’s move risks amplifying judicial overreach into legislative affairs, a recurring issue in Nigeria. If senators can bypass internal rules for court rulings, the Senate’s autonomy may weaken. Oversight committees could help maintain the balance, ensuring constitutional lines hold firm.
Her approach—shifting accusations and procedural detours—continues to stir debate. Yet Nigeria’s governance rests on a Senate that self-regulates and a judiciary that stays within bounds, as the Constitution demands.
